Thursday 2 February 2017

Vladimir Putin Travels to Hungary, Hoping to Capitalize on European Divisions

Vladimir Putin Travels to Hungary, Hoping to Capitalize on European Divisions




BUDAPEST — When President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia last paid a visit to Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orban was under siege for his autocratic style, Russia was isolated for its seizure of Crimea, and both men were called xenophobes for their hard-line stance on immigration.
Two years later, as Mr. Putin landed on Thursday for his first foray into Europe in the Trump era, it was a different story. Both men feel vindicated. There is talk of lifting the economic sanctions placed on Russia for its land grab in Ukraine. Their brand of nationalism has moved from the fringe to the mainstream.
There was a note of triumphalism, even a bit of swagger, in the air.
“Putin is not in his hole anymore,” said Balazs Orban, director of research for the Szazadveg Foundation, a think tank that advises Hungary’s ruling right-wing party, Fidesz.
Even so, beneath the triumph lies a strain of uneasiness. The visit is expected to be fairly low-key, an indication of the uncertainty surrounding the new Trump administration, analysts say. President Trump’s intentions remain unclear, and the prospects of a grand bargain between Washington and the Kremlin are highly uncertain.
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In the meantime, leaders across Europe have been forced to recalculate the best way to balance pressures in the East and West. Nowhere is that challenge felt more keenly than in Central and Eastern Europe, historically torn between Russia and the West.
That means the visit is being closely scrutinized by European and global leaders. They are looking for hints of how aggressive Mr. Putin and populist leaders like Mr. Orban will be in capitalizing on this new international climate and on Mr. Trump’s stated desire for better relations with Moscow.
Many here, skeptical that the Americans and Russians will actually bridge the chasm of interests dividing them, are injecting a note of caution about the balancing act ahead for leaders like Mr. Orban and his Fidesz Party.
Andras Racz, a Russia expert and associate professor at Catholic University in Budapest, predicted that the reset in relations between the United States and Russia would result in “a brief honeymoon, but nothing else, soon overwritten by conflicting interests.”
As for Hungary, “there is no trust on the Russian side towards Orban,” Mr. Racz said. The Hungarian leader has been seen mostly as a useful tool for weakening European Union unity, he said.
And the feeling is mutual, said Balazs Orban, the researcher, who is not related to the prime minister.
“Fidesz doesn’t feel chemistry with the Russians,” he said. “They don’t think they are friends of Hungary, necessarily.”
The warmer relations of recent years, he said, had more to do with economic necessity and Hungary’s dependence on Russian energy.

Indeed, Zoltan Kovacs, Viktor Orban’s spokesman, said in an interview that both nations would treat Mr. Putin’s visit as “business as usual,” with energy policy and a Russian deal to build a nuclear power plant in Hungary at the top of the agenda.
It was not clear how significant a role, if any, the thorniest issue between Russia and the West — the sanctions imposed by the European Union and the United States after the seizure of Crimea — would play in the meeting. But Mr. Putin is clearly eager to have the sanctions lifted, and to sow divisions in the European Union on that policy and others.
Hungary may be among the nations most susceptible to Mr. Putin’s maneuvering to remove the sanctions. Mr. Orban has voted with other European nations to support them, as a show of solidarity.
When Hungary’s foreign minister, Peter Szijjarto, visited Moscow last week to prepare for Mr. Putin’s visit, he described the sanctions as “counterproductive and harmful”: an indicator, some thought, of weakening Hungarian resolve.
But since then, Mr. Trump has said that it is “too early” to revisit the issue, but that he remains open to easing sanctions down the road. In separate phone conversations he had last weekend with Mr. Putin and Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, who strongly supports the sanctions, the subject did not even come up.
Mr. Orban’s hosting of Mr. Putin is only the first part of a busy year of global outreach. Efforts are underway to arrange a meeting with Mr. Trump — the timing and location are still under discussion — and Mr. Orban is also planning a visit to Beijing and a meeting with Turkey’s increasingly autocratic leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
“Orban has collected some credits in the international sphere,” said Balazs Orban, the researcher. “He forecast everything correctly, like immigration.”
Now, seeing a potential ally in Washington to balance the one in Moscow, the prime minister intends to cash those credits. “He understands geopolitics is changing,” Mr. Orban said: The notion that all nations need to embrace globalism and “the liberal world order” is no longer automatically accepted.
Mr. Orban’s chief opposition comes from the far-right Jobbik Party. Its leader, Gabor Vona, said in an interview this week that he had “very mixed feelings about Donald J. Trump’s election,” and that he was unsure how seriously to take Mr. Trump’s talk. He said he would wait “to see what will be unfurled.”
Russia has been accused of backing fringe parties in an effort to destabilize the European Union and NATO, but Mr. Vona denied persistent rumors that Jobbik received money from the Kremlin, calling it government propaganda.
Nevertheless, Mr. Vona said Jobbik would welcome a grand bargain between Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin.
“We will only be happy if relations between the U.S. and Russia improve,” he said. If that bargain includes the creation of new “spheres of influence” for Russia and the West, as Mr. Putin dearly wishes, so much the better.
In such a world, the prime minister’s spokesman, Mr. Kovacs, made clear that Hungary would be working for more latitude to pursue its own interests, even while staying in the European Union.
“We don’t want to step out of the European Union,” he said. “We want to reform it,” turning it from a “United States of Europe” into an alliance of more independent, sovereign nations whose leaders can govern without what Mr. Kovacs characterized as undue influence from the organization’s bureaucrats in Brussels.
“At the same time, we all sense there is going to be a resetting of the relationship with Moscow, and Hungary would like to be there,” Mr. Kovacs said. “It is not a bipolar world anymore. It is a multipolar world that is emerging.”

Raid in Yemen: Risky From the Start and Costly in the End

Raid in Yemen: Risky From the Start and Costly in the End



WASHINGTON — Just five days after taking office, over dinner with his newly installed secretary of defense and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, President Trump was presented with the first of what will be many life-or-death decisions: whether to approve a commando raid that risked the lives of American Special Operations forces and foreign civilians alike.
President Barack Obama’s national security aides had reviewed the plans for a risky attack on a small, heavily guarded brick home of a senior Qaeda collaborator in a mountainous village in a remote part of central Yemen. But Mr. Obama did not act because the Pentagon wanted to launch the attack on a moonless night and the next one would come after his term had ended.
With two of his closest advisers, Jared Kushner and Stephen K. Bannon, joining the dinner at the White House along with Defense Secretary Jim Mattis and Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr., Mr. Trump approved sending in the Navy’s SEAL Team 6, hoping the raid early last Sunday would scoop up cellphones and laptop computers that could yield valuable clues about one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist groups. Vice President Mike Pence and Michael T. Flynn, the national security adviser, also attended the dinner.
As it turned out, almost everything that could go wrong did. And on Wednesday, Mr. Trump flew to Dover Air Force Base in Delaware to be present as the body of the American commando killed in the raid was returned home, the first military death on the new commander in chief’s watch.
The death of Chief Petty Officer William Owens came after a chain of mishaps and misjudgments that plunged the elite commandos into a ferocious 50-minute firefight that also left three others wounded and a $75 million aircraft deliberately destroyed. There are allegations — which the Pentagon acknowledged on Wednesday night are most likely correct — that the mission also killed several civilians, including some children. The dead include, by the account of Al Qaeda’s branch in Yemen, the 8-year-old daughter of Anwar al-Awlaki, the American-born Qaeda leader who was killed in a targeted drone strike in 2011.
Mr. Trump on Sunday hailed his first counterterrorism operation as a success, claiming the commandos captured “important intelligence that will assist the U.S. in preventing terrorism against its citizens and people around the world.” A statement by the military’s Central Command on Wednesday night that acknowledged the likelihood of civilian casualties also said that the recovered materials had provided some initial information helpful to counterterrorism analysts. The statement did not provide details.
But the mission’s casualties raise doubts about the months of detailed planning that went into the operation during the Obama administration and whether the right questions were raised before its approval. Typically, the president’s advisers lay out the risks, but Pentagon officials declined to characterize any discussions with Mr. Trump.
A senior administration official said on Wednesday night that the Defense Department had conducted a legal review of the operation that Mr. Trump approved and that a Pentagon lawyer had signed off on it.
Mr. Trump’s new national security team, led by Mr. Flynn, the former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency and a retired general with experience in counterterrorism raids, has said that it wants to speed the decision-making when it comes to such strikes, delegating more power to lower-level officials so that the military may respond more quickly. Indeed, the Pentagon is drafting such plans to accelerate activities against the Qaeda branch in Yemen.
But doing that also raises the possibility of error. “You can mitigate risk in missions like this, but you can’t mitigate risk down to zero,” said William Wechsler, a former top counterterrorism official at the Pentagon.
In this case, the assault force of several dozen commandos, which also included elite soldiers from the United Arab Emirates, was jinxed from the start. Qaeda fighters were somehow tipped off to the stealthy advance toward the village — perhaps by the whine of American drones that local tribal leaders said were flying lower and louder than usual
Through a communications intercept, the commandos knew that the mission had been somehow compromised, but pressed on toward their target roughly five miles from where they had been flown into the area. “They kind of knew they were screwed from the beginning,” one former SEAL Team 6 official said.
With the crucial element of surprise lost, the Americans and Emiratis found themselves in a gun battle with Qaeda fighters who took up positions in other houses, a clinic, a school and a mosque, often using women and children as cover, American military officials said in interviews this week.
The commandos were taken aback when some of the women grabbed weapons and started firing, multiplying the militant firepower beyond what they had expected. The Americans called in airstrikes from helicopter gunships and fighter aircraft that helped kill some 14 Qaeda fighters, but not before an MV-22 Osprey aircraft involved in the operation experienced a “hard landing,” injuring three more American personnel on board. The Osprey, which the Marine Corps said cost $75 million, was badly damaged and had to be destroyed by an airstrike.
The raid, some details of which were first reported by The Washington Post, also destroyed much of the village of Yakla, and left senior Yemeni government officials seething. Yemen’s foreign minister, Abdul Malik Al Mekhlafi, condemned the raid on Monday in a post on his official Twitter account as “extrajudicial killings.”
Baraa Shiban, a Yemeni fellow for Reprieve, a London-based human rights group, said he spoke by phone to a tribal sheikh in the village, Jabbr Abu Soraima, who told him: “People were afraid to leave their houses because the sound of choppers and drones were all over the sky. Everyone feared of being hit by the drones or shot by the soldiers on the ground.”
After initially denying there were any civilian casualties, Pentagon officials backtracked somewhat on Sunday after reports from the Yemeni authorities begin trickling in and grisly photographs of bloody children purportedly killed in the attack appeared on social media sites affiliated with Al Qaeda’s branch in Yemen.
Capt. Jeff Davis, a Pentagon spokesman, said on Monday that some of the women were combatants.
The operation was the first known American-led ground mission in Yemen since December 2014, when members of SEAL Team 6 stormed a village in southern Yemen in an effort to free an American photojournalist held hostage by Al Qaeda. But the raid ended with the kidnappers killing the journalist and a South African held with him.
That mission and the raid over the weekend revealed the shortcomings of secretive military operations in Yemen. The United States was forced to withdraw the last 125 Special Operations advisers from the country in March 2015 after Houthi rebels ousted the government of President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, the Americans’ main counterterrorism partner.
The loss of Yemen as a base for American counterterrorism training, advising and intelligence-gathering was a significant blow to blunting the advance of Al Qaeda’s branch in the country and keeping tabs on their plots. The Pentagon has tried to start rebuilding its counterterrorism operations in Yemen, however; last year, American Special Operations forces helped Emirati troops evict Qaeda fighters from the port city of Mukalla